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By John Hilary
The Guardian | January 21, 2008
Gordon Brown's focus on British interests threatens to condemn millions of poor Indians to despair
Yesterday saw the official start of Gordon Brown's visit to India, and the fourth top-level summit between our two countries. This is Brown's first visit as prime minister, and comes hot on the heels of his stay in China last week. The business delegation which has accompanied him hopes to sign deals worth billions of pounds during the stay, and Brown himself has highlighted the importance to the British economy of cementing links with the two Asian superpowers.
With an annual growth rate of 9% over the past couple of years, India
is close to rivalling China's economic boom. Yet while China's
achievements have been credited with lifting 400 million people out of
poverty, the benefits of India's growth have not spread beyond the top
10% of its own massive population. According to Merrill Lynch's world
wealth report, India now boasts an incredible 93,000 millionaires, as
well as the world's second-fastest growth in "high net worth
individuals". Yet in a parallel universe within the same country, 350
million people (more than in the whole of Africa) still live in
desperate poverty on less than a dollar a day, while a total of 900
million scrape by on under two dollars a day.
This yawning inequality is no secret. The British government's own
Developments magazine devoted its most recent issue to India and
pointed out the huge challenges faced by the country in the light of
the growing gap between rich and poor. Among other grim statistics, the
government noted that India's levels of child malnutrition are almost
double those in sub-Saharan Africa, with a million women and children
dying each year through lack of access to healthcare. To add insult to
injury, India actually dropped (pdf) from 126 to 128 in the UN's latest
human development table, despite all its economic success.
All the more incredible then, that Gordon Brown and his fellow EU
leaders are denying India the flexibility due to a developing country
in their current bilateral trade talks. The EU's stated aim is to use
its planned free trade agreement to open up new Indian markets to
European exports, especially in those areas which have traditionally
been closed to foreign companies. India, which aims to win
opportunities for its own exports, has asked on development grounds
that it be allowed some flexibility in opening up its domestic markets
in order to protect the most vulnerable sectors of its economy. Despite
the fact that this "asymmetric liberalisation" is standard practice in
many negotiations between developed and developing nations, the EU has
refused to grant India any such leeway.
The consequences of opening up India's economy to unequal competition
from the EU are as predictable as they are negative. While the hi-tech,
high-value end of India's services and manufacturing sectors are able
to compete on the international stage, the vast majority of the
country's massive workforce is employed in agriculture or small-scale
industries which are unable to survive in the face of external
competition. The threat to the hundreds of millions who work in these
sectors is made more pressing in the absence of any social security
safety nets; over 30,000 Indian farmers have been driven to suicide
over the past 10 years as a result of agricultural sector reform. The
threat to women is particularly acute, given that they have long
occupied the most precarious positions in the Indian labour market and
stand to lose out most in the event of any further liberalisation.
India is not an isolated case in this respect. The EU has come under
intense fire for driving forward its economic partnership agreements
with African, Caribbean and Pacific nations, despite worldwide protest
at the damage these agreements will cause to some of the world's
poorest countries. Yet the UK and its fellow EU member states have
pressed on regardless, and are now lining up a host of other developing
countries for the same treatment.
Ultimately, one could argue, it is up to the leaders of developing
nations to stick up for their own peoples. While this is harder for
poor countries which have been threatened with the loss of aid or
trading preferences if they do not sign up to the EU's demands,
emerging superpowers such as India are strong enough to stand up for
themselves. In their case, as with ours, the government makes its own
choice whether to put commercial interests before the needs of the poor
and marginalised, and takes its chance at the ballot box next time
around.
Yet given the huge, long-term impact of trade deals, our own government
also has a responsibility not to deny developing countries the
flexibility to defend their most vulnerable populations and grow their
economies according to their own development needs. Gordon Brown is
reportedly seeking to launch his own Make Poverty History campaign
later this year, and is looking round for charities to support him. If
his government's trade policies towards developing countries remain as
they are at present, he will deserve no support whatsoever.
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