Three issues will dominate the political agenda of the Republic of India for the next few years: Agrarian crisis, Alienation of the Muslim minority, and Assertion of the Dalits, Adivasis and OBCs. No other issue will churn the polity as thoroughly as these three. The issues that currently grip the attention of our media and the elite will simply fade into oblivion much the same way as the slogan "Shining India" did, not too long ago. The trinity of the real issues will engender a political vortex that will make a clean sweep of the pet themes of the powerful and the vociferous such as ' workshop of the world with globally competitive industry', 'knowledge- based society', 'hundreds of billions of foreign investment', 'soaring sensex', 'world class cities', 'convertible rupee', ' two- digit growth rate', and 'India emerging as a great power' (albeit under the 'benign' patronage and supervision of the Americans!). These will be exposed for what they are: self- serving slogans of the insensitive, insatiable and secessionist ruling class which has hitched its wagon to the juggernaut of the global capital.
The three issues have already emerged on our political landscape. But
they are being viewed by the mainstream political formations more as
grist to the mill of competitive, opportunist, electoral politics. They
seem to be perceived as discreet phenomena, each having its own
distinct logic with little interconnection. Worse still, in their eyes,
these are mere hiccups, although they are discomforting and sometimes,
even unnerving. The galloping growth, the strengthening of internal
security apparatus and the camouflage of the 'human face' are expected
to 'take care' of such sporadic episodes. This is considered to be
sober and sound politics, in contrast to the reckless, vicious and
divisive politics of stoking religious and caste animosities for petty
political gains, of which there is no dearth. Eclecticism, pragmatism
and opportunism that characterize the mainstream approaches miss the
wood for the trees, misconceive the spreading forest fire as sporadic
arson, or, even worse, treat it as an opportunity to roast their
political game.
The three issues are connected with one another integrally and cannot
be viewed in isolation or eclectically. The themes they invoke are part
of a longer historical continuum at the national level. They are also
vitally linked to contemporary global processes.
The agrarian crisis and the threatened decimation of the peasantry are
causally connected with the process of globalising growth1, which is
the accepted agenda of all mainstream political formations. The
marginalized peasantry, the forest dwelling Adivasis and the landless
poor depending on agriculture and allied activities for their
livelihood are the first and the worst victims of the unfolding logic
of the globalising growth. A large mass of the Muslim minority falls in
the two of these affected categories. And as a community they suffer
from a serious jeopardy arising out of the US's global politics of
Islamophobia and its inevitable repercussions, particularly in our
country where the ruling elite has chosen not to question, much less to
expose and resist, this politics. Growing assertion of these
marginalized classes is the dialectical response to the developing
situation.
Amelioration of the peasantry, secularism, and social justice were the
three objective functions, which defined our national freedom movement,
a remarkable and unique mass movement against colonialism in the modern
times. It is not that these desiderata were realized in their entirety
in actuality. But they contributed immensely to the process of nation
building. Without their articulation, the Indian Nation could never be
a viable entity. The trinity of the issues on the national political
agenda underlines the contemporary reality of the developing challenge
to these basic principles and the emerging response to this challenge.
The dynamics of the situation can be better understood if we place it
in the global perspective. Three major contradictions can be clearly
perceived at the global level in contemporary times:
* North vs South;
* "Growth" vs Environment Conservation;
* Corporate Capital vs the stagnating median (North) and the poor masses (South).
Concurrently, three crises situations have emerged at the global level:
* Military Confrontation between the US forces and the West Asian Nationalism;
* Fragility of the Global Financial System;
* Threatened decimation of the world peasantry, particularly in the third world.
The circuitry of interconnections between these contradictions and
crises situations at the global level, on the one hand, and the three
issues on the national political agenda, on the other, passes through
the critical junction built in by the pursuit of globalising growth by
the ruling elite at the national level. The basic contradiction at the
national level between such a pursuit by the ruling elite and the
abiding wider objectives of peasant amelioration, upholding secularism
and ensuring social justice, generates the trinity of the national
political agenda.
The logic of globalised growth persuades the ruling elite to ignore,
obfuscate or minimize the three major contradictions at the global
level. More dangerous, it compels the ruling establishment to stand by
the wrong side of these contradictions (North, "Growth", Corporate
Capital) and against the right side (South, Conservation of
Environment, Poorer masses). Consequentially, in responding to the
global crises, the ruling classes find themselves either defenceless
(as in regard to fragility of the global financial system and the
threatened decimation of the third world peasantry) or on the wrong
side (as in case of military confrontation of the US with the West
Asian Nationalism).
What implications does the foregoing have for the strategies to be
adopted? First, we must recognize that single issue strategies, or
strategies based on eclectic or opportunistic combination of issues or
isolated, sporadic strategies would not work. Also, while in the nature
of things, that is to say, deriving from the wider social objective
functions and the historical continuum of which they are part, the
strategy has to be conceived and operationalised at the national level,
it can not be viewed in isolation, overlooking the contradictions,
crises situations and the potential allies/adversaries in the global
context. (The ruling elite has already grasped this and has established
its linkages with its allies in the global context.) Indeed the global
context and the global solidarity are becoming increasingly far more
significant, if not critical, elements in evolving a national strategy.
In operational terms, at the national level, we should work for a Grand
Alliance of Peasantry, Adivasis, Dalits, OBCs and Moslems against the
elite agenda of globalising growth. At the international level we need
to forge an alliance with the right side of the three contradictions at
the global level.
What are the policies that would need to be adopted in pursuance of
such a strategy? The following is the ten- point priority list
pertaining to critical areas:
* Disengagement from the US strategic design and opposing US militarism and Islamophobia;
* Strengthening the autonomy of the Indian Financial System and
protecting it from the fragility (and the rapacity) of the
international system; working for regional financial co-operation eg.
Asian Monetary Union;
* Defeating the WTO/AoA paradigm on agriculture;
* Defeating Corporate takeover of Indian agriculture and expropriation of rural and urban land;
* Evolving a peasant- centric alternative for South- South cooperation in agricultural production and trade;
* Alternative national policies on agriculture and industry which will
not only repudiate the elite strategy of globalising growth but also
promote self-reliance; inter-personal, inter-class2 and inter- regional
equity; and conservation of environment. It will imply a radical
reconstruction of the agrarian mode of production and employment-
intensive and mass consumption -oriented rural industrialization;
* Legally guaranteed preferential opportunity in education and
employment for the socially disadvantaged classes and communities;
* Introducing Common School System from the primary level;
* A national wages and incomes policy severely limiting the disparity across the sectors and classes;
* A new energy policy consistent with the reorientation of the strategic, agrarian and industrial policies.
Endnotes:
1 By globalising growth we mean growth, which is dependent and volatile,
unequalising and polarizing, environment- endangering and livelihood-
displacing.
2 The term ' Inter- class' here refers to socially and educationally backward and advanced classes.
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