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Delhi JAL Board Rocked by Another Major Scam

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Afsar Jafri*

The Government of Delhi, under Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit, who is also the Chairperson of the Delhi Jal Board (DJB), has made several attempts in the past to bring in the World Bank privatization model in the water utility in Delhi. In 2005 the DJB had severely tarnished its reputation by succumbing to the World Bank's pressure to grant the consultancy to “suggest water reforms in Delhi” to Price Waterhouse Coopers (PWC), the multinational consultancy firm which had repeatedly failed to be short-listed for this project. Quite predictably, PWC suggested privatization and handing over of all 21 water zones to foreign operators such as Degremont (Suez), Manila Water (Bechtel), SAUR and Veolia through ‘management contracts'. Though the move toward water privatization was stalled due to public outcry in 2005, multiple small contracts have been given to private operators through World Bank supported ‘outsourcing' model of privatization in the form of operation and maintenance of water treatment plants (WTP), installation and maintenance of water meters, outsourcing water supply through tankers, etc. Early this year, the Delhi government organised a high level meeting in Manesar (Haryana) to discuss the strategy to privatise the water supply system in the national capital. In April 2011, the DJB launched a survey to gauge public opinion, to ascertain whether consumers are ready to accept a switch from “public” to “private” water utility in Delhi. In May, immediately after a meeting with the Planning Commission Deputy Chairperson Montek Singh Ahluwalia, Sheila Dikshit set up a high-powered committee, headed by Chief Secretary P K Tripathi, to formulate a roadmap for water privatization and to bring reform in management and distribution of water in the city, in addition to restructuring the DJB.

Recently the DJB was accused by the Water, Sewer and Sewerage Disposal Employees Union (WSSDEU) of corruption in outsourcing “Water Tanker Distribution Service in South and Southwest Delhi”. The Union accused the DJB of rigging the bidding process to grant the water tanker contract to a blacklisted and debarred firm called SPML for five years. Further, on 24 May 2011, the WSSDEU exposed another big scam of more than Indian rupees Rs. 200 crores (see note 1) in the bidding process for privatization of DJB's Bhagirathi water treatment plant (WTP) in East Delhi. This is an open case of fraud in bidding and the award of contracts, which has become a hot spot for grand corruption in the water sector. Corrupt procurement can take many forms, including tailoring project specifications to a bidder, providing insider information, limiting bid advertising, shortening bid periods and breaching confidentiality and the current expose is a typical example of a corrupt procurement process in the DJB. It also exposes the fact that a powerful nexus of corrupt officials, lobbyist, consultants and the agents (mainly retired DJB engineers on the pay roll of the private firms) are very active inside the DJB to facilitate Delhi government's move to privatize water in the mega city.

When the Sonia Vihar Water Treatment Plant was fully operationalised to supply water to South Delhi, the DJB initiated the move to refurbish its Bhagirathi WTP, which earlier supplied water to East and South Delhi, by replacing high capacity motors and pumps with low capacity motors and pumps and some electrical and mechanical (E&M) equipment in order to reduce the fuel and electricity load. The DJB had also approved development of a pilot Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) system at Bhagirathi WTP and its connected Underground Reservoir and Booster Pump Station (UGR/BPS) including operation and maintenance (O&M) of plant for a period of 10 years after effecting a one year defect liability period (DLP). To complete the bidding process and award the contract, DJB hired the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) as a consultant which estimated that the total project would cost only Rs. 120.75 crore for the WTP and distribution area, including Rs. 30.33 crore as capital cost (Rs. 29.63 crore for E&M plus instrumentation work and Rs. 70 lakh for civil work) and the rest Rs. 90.42 crore for O&M. This estimate was approved by the DJB in its 97th meeting on 23 February 2010 even though the rehabilitation of the Bhagirathi WTP was not intended to augment the production capacity, which is presently at 100 million gallon per day (MGD).

Against this, only two ‘foreign' multinational firms were allowed to bid while all Indian firms were debarred from bidding. Larsen and Toubro Ltd. (L&T) bid for Rs. 284.10 crore, including Rs. 184.72 crore capital cost (Rs. 121.54 crore for E&M plus instrumentation and Rs. 63.18 crore for civil work) and Rs.99.38 crore for O&M. While the VaTech Wabag Ltd. (WABAG) bid was for Rs. 298.20 crore, including Rs. 191.76 crore capital cost (Rs. 128.74 crore for E&M plus instrumentation work and Rs. 63.02 crore for civil work) and Rs. 106.44 crore for O&M. Both these foreign firms quoted much above JICA estimate, 90 times more for the civil work and four times more for the E&M plus instrumentation work. Strangely, during the bidding process, DJB hired another consultant STUP Consultants PVT. Ltd., at an exorbitant price, to monitor the tendering progress and to work out a suggested cost, which turned out to be much more than what estimated by JICA. STUP’s suggestive cost was Rs. 259.45 crore, including Rs. 118.85 crore as capital cost (Rs. 88.63 crore for E&M plus instrumentation cost and Rs. 30.22 crore for civil work) and Rs. 140.60 for O&M.

Despite this huge difference and very high variation in capital cost proposed by the two consultants, as well as between the quoted price of bidders and consultants (see box below), this project got cleared at all levels. L&T was chosen as the winner and the file was put up for the final clearance by the Delhi Jal Board at its meeting, earlier scheduled for 27 May, but postponed to 30 May 2011 due to the outcry within the DJB caused by the WSSDEU letter to the CEO exposing the scam. On 30 May, the Board, under the chairpersonship of Mrs Sheila Dikshit, decided to constitute a Committee to re-examine the tendering process and investigate the alleged fraud.

 

COMPRATIVE STATEMENT (Amount in Crore Rupees)

Item

JICA

Estimate

STUP

Suggestive cost

L&T

WABAG

Bhagirthi WTP

 

 

 

 

- SCADA System

2.30

85.33

120.04

125.57

- Instrumentation Work

1.61

 

 

 

- Mechanical Work

15.52

 

 

 

- Electrical Work

6.52

 

 

 

- Civil Work

0.70

30.22

63.18

63.02

Distribution Area

 

 

 

 

- SCADA System

2.60

3.30

1.5

3.17

- Instrumentation Work

1.08

 

 

 

Total Capital Cost

30.33

118.85

184.72

191.76

- O&M

90.42

140.60

99.38

106.44

Total Cost

120.75

259.45

284.10

298.20

 

The tendering process for the privatization of the Bhagirathi WTP reaffirms our belief that the very structure of privatization, from bidding on a contract to delivering water, is fraught with corruption. Checks and balances that could prevent corruption, such as accountability and transparency, are missing at every step of the process. According to Mr. SA Naqvi of WSSDEU, “the construction of a new treatment plant as per the international norms with the same capacity of 100 MGD would cost much less than what has been quoted by L&T and WABAG for a replacement and rehabilitation work at the Bhagirathi WTP”.

“Since the beginning, it was known to the DJB that the rehabilitation of the Bhagirathi WTP is not intended to augment the production capacity which would remain at 100 MGD and also that the SCADA system is not a tool to improve quality or quantity of water and it cannot either provide help in locating or reducing non-revenue water but it can only facilitate in the functioning of the plant mainly through data acquisition and supervisory control” said Mr Naqvi.

Despite these known facts, the DJB undertook the exercise to hand over the Bhagirathi WTP to a foreign private operator at an exorbitantly high cost to the public exchequer. Shockingly, the planning cell of the DJB, which is responsible for checking estimates and preparing justification of rates for each project, completely failed to identify the exaggerated projected cost, the wide discrepancy between the consultants' estimates and bidder rates. They cleared the bid document. This was the criminal negligence by the planning cell that needs to be thoroughly investigated.

The DJB and its planning cell also overlooked the fact that the project has an operation and maintenance cost for 10 years even though the Bhagirathi plant employs 325 staff at the establishment cost of Rs.70 to Rs. 80 lakhs per month, which would cost around Rs. 95 crore in the next 10 years. Had the WSSDEU not exposed this scam, the DJB would be making a double expenditure for O&M of the same plant and would have obviously led to huge loss to the public exchequer.

Another interesting and novel fraud which got highlighted due to this expose is the legalizing of freebies and foreign trips by integrating the cost in the bid price itself. As per the tender document, the successful bidder would have been provided: i. Two new air-conditioned four-wheel drive vehicles with driver for the contract period (10 years); ii. Four laptops of latest configuration as per approval of the engineer-in-charge; iii. Cost of providing training to DJB's “two personal in the operation and maintenance of a state-of-the-art fully automated water treatment plant in the international arena”.

When most of the engineers/officers of the DJB are provided with the facilities like personal laptops and departmental four wheel drive with driver and they also get trained for various projects in the international arena, this provision was a clear case of legalizing corruption to benefit the higher ups with these freebies. This requires a legal action to be initiated against the officials making the bid document.

These events clearly underline the fact that the race for water privatization in Delhi has led to administrative deterioration and complete collapse of financial accountability on the part of the DJB officials. Privatization induced corruption in the DJB is weakening the public utility by engendering wrong choices and encouraging competition in scams and scandals rather than providing quality service to the citizens of Delhi at an affordable price. The consumers in Delhi have already suffered several hikes in water tariff in last five years, the recent one in 2010, to meet the illegitimate demands of corruption driven reforms for water privatization. When the world is witnessing the re-municipalisation of public services, it is the time the Delhi government should stop yielding to the pressure of external agencies including the World Bank and foreign consultants to privatise public utilities, and instead worked towards strengthening the Delhi Jal Board.

NOTE: Rs is Indian rupees. One crore = 10 million. One lakh = 100,000.

* Afsar Jafri is a Research Associate with Focus on the Global South-India, a policy research organization. He can be reached at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it . This article was first published in Countercurrents.org, 19 June 2011

THE MEDIUM, MESSAGE AND THE MONEY

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by P. Sainath

The Hindu, October 26, 2009

The Assembly elections saw the culture of “coverage packages” explode
across Maharashtra. In many cases, a candidate just had to pay for
almost any coverage at all.

C. Ram Pandit can now resume his weekly column. Dr. Pandit (name
changed) had long been writing for a well-known Indian language
newspaper in Maharashtra. On the last day for the withdrawal of
nominations to the recent State Assembly elections, he found himself
sidelined. An editor at the paper apologised to him saying: “Panditji,
your columns will resume after October 13. Till then, every page in
this paper is sold.” The editor, himself an honest man, was simply
speaking the truth.

In the financial orgy that marked the Maharashtra elections, the media
were never far behind the moneybags. Not all sections of the media
were in this mode, but quite a few. Not just small local outlets, but
powerful newspapers and television channels, too. Many candidates
complained of “extortion” but were not willing to make an issue of it
for fear of drawing media fire. Some senior journalists and editors
found themselves profoundly embarrassed by their managements. “The
media have been the biggest winners in these polls,” says one
ruefully. “In this period alone,” says another, “they’ve more than
bounced back from the blows of the ‘slowdown’ and done so in style.”
Their poll-period take is estimated to be in hundreds of millions of
rupees. Quite a bit of this did not come as direct advertising but in
packaging a candidate’s propaganda as “news.”

World Water Forum: The rising water divide and a loss of legitimacy

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by Afsar Jafri(1)

The 5th World Water Forum, the corporate driven global event on water, concluded in Istanbul, Turkey, on World Water Day, the 22nd of March 2009. The WWF is a formal gathering of governments, water corporations, international water experts and professionals, development aid institutions and other agencies to discuss the fate of world’s water. Though the overarching theme of this elite event was “Bridging Divides for Water”, in reality the Istanbul edition of the World Water Forum witnessed a widening of the divide for water at different levels and between different “stakeholders”. 

Should India Learn from China

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By Wenwen Tu*

Introduction

More than ten years after India had set up the first export processing zone (EPZ) in Asia, the Kandla EPZ in 1965, Chinese communist cadres stumbled at the stone of “export processing zone” when groping on the road of reform. They carefully picked up the term “special export zone” to disassociate their zones from those of capitalist countries. One year later in 1980, special export zone officially debuted as “special economic zone” (SEZ). Two decades after China set up its first SEZ in Shenzhen, India introduced SEZ policy, aiming to emulate China’s model of SEZ. From a forerunner to a follower, Indian government attempts to catch up with a more liberalized version of SEZ policy.

Mumbai:

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Sarita Ramamoorthy
March 18, 2008

The UN State of the population report states that in 2008, the world’s urban population, which stands at 3.3 billion today, is expected to rise to 5 billion by 2030 and it anticipates that the rural population will decline slightly.1 Cities and urban areas possibly will expand towards its fringes to accommodate this increasing population. Though this urbanisation may be inevitable to achieve economic growth, it could also tend to harbour a higher concentration of poverty in cities. In developed countries, this has sparked debates on urbanisation and whether cities must grow outwards (become de-centralised cities) or grow inwards (increase in density leading to compact spaces). Dense urban settlements of cities can be both good and bad. While it is good that in cities, people can share water, energy, and waste management systems thus reducing their impact on water, wildlife, and soil, it is mostly bad in the rapidly growing cities in developing nations. Inadequate or non-existent water supply and sanitation, lack of housing (mostly public housing), pollution, and traffic congestion are some common problems2. Outward sprawl leads to loss of farmland and vast open spaces around the city, hence considerable cities in developed countries prefer an increase in the density of the city and contain the city by restraining development on the outskirts. This trend is mostly reversed in the developing countries, where city limits keep exploding beyond their capacity due to lack of land available within the city for housing. Essential colossal areas of forests, saltpans, mountains etc give way for development destroying the balance of environmental conditions.

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